Feminist solidarity

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Feminist Solidarity
In an articulate and eloquent consideration of women’s collective action, Walia and Mohanty briefly discuss the context of rising individualism and unstoppable spread of the modern liberal economic ideas across the world. This delves into the continued effort by women all over the globe to liberate themselves, change their lives and their image in the society. Their ret-thinking are based on the dynamics of work, motivation and processes of coming into being, development of movements and engagement in collective actions.
According to Mohanty, there has been very vibrant and transnational women’s movement all over US and globe. However, the corporatization and privatization of public life have made it so challenging to notice the movements in the US. The movements are entirely conservative, antiracist, and radicalized despite being entirely unnoticed by the large community of chauvinists. However, where feminist movements are based on facets of sociopolitical and racial differences, they are classified in the same class as antiracism movements (Mohanty 107). According to Walia, indigenous movements have been intertwined with struggles against poverty, police, racism, and environmental justice. This blocks them from instigating the core purpose that is women liberation and global solidarity y (Walia 46). Even though women in the US have won most of their fight on gender-related denials more is needed to institutionalize their modern differences.

Mohanty asserts that the current challenges are cultural psychic and imaginative bars especially in the political field (Mohanty 108). Women have not yet cracked the nut to gain an equivocal political and philosophical voice to men. When reconsidering the social culture, there needs a clear structuralization of the Marxism, psychoanalytic and deconstructive methodologies. Apart from individualized political identities, women face biases on the basis of historical interconnections that transforms to a form of racism or desegregation. This affects their solidarity given that their level of preferences is a factor or origin and political assertiveness. The dual makes it clear that rethinking the issue of feminist solidarity can only be fully assimilated if everyone were to regard it as an everyday politics and not a sexual politics. Women ought to set aside their differences and tackle the global ‘woman experience’ through sisterhood. They should embark on diplomatic negotiations and unifying realities instead of demographic movements (Mohanty 111). The notion of feminism without barriers can only be achieved through the politics of engagement and never transcendence. It is the only movement that can help women to disregard their historical differences and fight towards a common voice and social change. According to Walia, the worst thing women can do is to imitate the Canadian model of liberal pluralism by forcing indigenous identities into their movements. What would be more effective would be a sustained alliance where everyone feels free to be part of a global movement (Walia 47). Further, Mohanty is calling for the abolition of certain terminologies used to demean both women and the less privileged groups. These are terms like postcolonial, immigrants, citizens of color and third world (122). They are employed to terrorize women movements as well as anti-racial activism and bar the transformative agendas. Abandoning the use of the terms shows responsibility. As Walia suggest, decolonization requires the people to exercise their sovereignties differently but reconfigure their communities based on shared ideals, experiences, and visions (50). The proposed reorganization by both Walia and Mohanty is the formation of social movements that challenge isolation and encourage irreproachable unity.
Works Cited
Walia, Harsha. The Winter We Danced. 1st ed. Print.
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade. Feminism Without Borders. 1st ed. Durham: Duke University Press, 2003. Print.