Sociology of Aging

Sociology of Aging
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Sociology of Aging
What are the gender differences among older adults, especially in terms of health and well-being?
Gender prevails as a determinant of health and well-being among older adults. Moreover, it is an essential aspect of the framework that assists in the comprehension of why older women and men have variations in their health in addition to highlighting the significance (Hooyman, 2014). Primarily, the gender differences among older women and men are apparent from the element of acquisition and reception of healthcare services. Older women experience the adverse effects of the gender differences as indicated by their poorer health statures and augmented levels of chronic diseases as compared to men (Hooyman, 2014). On the other hand, the elderly women are subject to chronic conditions with limited fatalness, augmented the presence of limitations in functionality, disability, and comorbidities as compared to males. Moreover, this difference in gender health and wellbeing aggravates as they grow older. Still, there are other aspects that allude to additional gender differences among the older adults (Hooyman, 2014). For instance, older women of color experience worsened health and wellbeing due to limited healthcare and restrained access to services during their early ages.
Secondly, as compared to men, women receive more LTSS services. According to Hooyman (2014), statistics show that 73% of people in nursing homes are women, which is comparable to the 67% of women using home healthcare administrations.

Additionally, 79% of women over 65 years require long-term care for up to an estimated 3.7 years. These numbers vary to the 60% men over 65 years who need long-term care for a maximum of 2.2 years (Hooyman, 2014). Significantly, this gender differences concerning LTSS utilization is attributed, partly, to the lower socioeconomic statures of women in addition to the possibility of them residing alone as compared to the males. Therefore, the older women, who are mostly widows and divorcees, seek increased care from institutions and relative environments (Hooyman, 2014). More so, this type of care comes from underpaid young women of color, which creates a firm foundation for understanding some of the identified gender differences in the health and well-being of older adults.
Thirdly, older women received increased health coverage as compared to men. Hooyman (2014) notes that Medicare and Medicaid information shows that the women covered make up the largest population. Additionally, the women on Medicare have advanced levels of diseases and spend increased finances on healthcare as compared to men. On the other hand, Medicare does not cover the primary prerequisites of older women, i.e., care from home and community-based institutions (Hooyman, 2014). Still, despite women making up the largest number of Medicaid beneficiaries, they are mostly poor, colored, unwell, and with limited professional skills and education as compared to men. Typically, as the women become older, they also become sicker and poorer as compared to the rest of the population (Hooyman, 2014; Torres, 2014).
Finally, there exists a positive correlation between an increase in age and the high numbers of poverty-stricken women. This attribute alludes to the increased dependence on Medicaid among women, especially on services dealing with the provision of care such as clinics and hospital outpatient departments (Hooyman, 2014). Unfortunately, the coverage provided by Medicaid does not address the inequity, comprehensively. Therefore, the socioeconomic statuses of caregivers in the society contribute, extensively, to the gender health-based differences as life progresses. Typically, the older women with limited income as compared to the men receive care from younger women with limited income and substandard statures in the society (Hooyman, 2014; Torres, 2014).
How and why are lesbian, gay, and bisexual older adults disadvantaged in terms of their health and well-being?
Extensive evidence indicates the prevalence of health differences among older adults of the LGB community with strengths and gaps apparent across the continuum of some popular health indicators. Firstly, some of health disparity patterns exist among LGB adults during their youth and become major challenges as their age increases (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). These differences include a heightened possibility of disability, issues with mental stability, and smoking. On the other hand, lesbians and bisexual women have a higher likelihood of drinking excessively and being obese. Additionally, another classification of disparities includes the increased risks of CVD among lesbian and bisexual women in addition to deprived physical health and increased alcohol consumption among gay and bisexual males (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). More so, these problems begin at an early age with their disparities emerging at a later age. Consequently, they result in detrimental implications for the quality of life of older LGB adults.
The health and well-being disadvantages facing lesbian, gay, and bisexual older adults occurs due to some reasons. For instance, experiences such as victimization among the older members of the LGB community, mainly due to their sexual orientation, negatively impacts their psychological health and well-being (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). The confirmation of mental influence of chronic stressors on their health implicates that such experiences are also accountable to the increased occurrences of disability among LGB older adults. On the other hand, the increased threats of disability, physical challenges, and mental instability among the older gay and bisexual men have a positive correlation with the prevalence of HIV (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). Today, the progress in ARV therapies have made it possible for older adults to live with HIV. However, significant evidence shows that older adults with HIV are more likely to face risks of disability and poor health statures, that is, both physical and psychological.
Older LGB adults are more likely to engage in smoking and excessive drinking leading to issues of morbidity and mortality. Notably, these disparities are apparent among older adults because most of the prevention campaigns target youths (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). Furthermore, this has continued despite past literature indicating that LGB adults smoke at an increased risk as compared to populations of other sexual orientations. For instance, older women of the LGB community have increased chances of drinking excessively as compared to heterosexual females (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). Evidence from credible sources indicates that the excessive drinking results from early life experiences such spending time at bars and holding private parties. However, minority stressors such as discernment and ill-treatment are additional influences that also lead to alterations in drinking behavior as age increases. Obesity and CVD diagnosis are also possible risks for older lesbians and bisexual women (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). However, in the case of older gay and bisexual men, they are less likely to become obese.
What should be done to combat these disparities?
The apparent gender differences among older adults in health and well-being should be subject to comprehensive resolutions that address all the apparent gaps. First, the main strategy to reduce the disparities and form a foundation for healthy aging among the older women should focus on eradicating poverty, which ought to include an increase in income and educational opportunity for those are at a disadvantage due to gender, race, functional capacity, or even age (Hooyman, 2014). However, due to the unlikeliness of such a strategy having an immediate impact, the larger framework should incorporate solutions aimed at the apparent power differentials that women face, particularly as unpaid and underpaid providers of care for the elderly. Currently, the perception of caregiving as a private duty instead of service with public value forms the foundation for the economic disadvantage experienced by the women (Hooyman, 2014). Resolutely, the idea of countering these inequalities within LTSS is critical to cultivating the health and well-being of women at an early age.
The health and well-being disadvantages experienced by the lesbian, gay and bisexual older adults mostly emanates from risks with established and easy solutions. Primarily, the resolution should include early detection and identification of elements correlated with these groups as the foundation for enabling public health initiatives to magnify the capacity of initiatives and interpolations aimed at advocating for healthier societies (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). Secondly, it would be imperative that everyone understands the health demands of the older sexual minorities in addition to conditions attributed to certain subgroups as the initial steps for formulating efficient preventive programs and administrations personalized for the varying and exclusive needs (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). Over the years, some of the positive trends towards preventive programs have entailed screenings, for instance, the increased possibilities of taking HIV tests and flu shots among the gay and bisexual men. Still, today, lesbians and bisexual women have higher chances to take a HIV test as compared to their heterosexual peers (Fredriksen-Goldsen et al., 2013). However, there still exists gaps and opportunities for devising advanced prevention programs such as intervention plans that simultaneously identify and counter distinctive cultural aspects that contribute to smoking and alcohol consumption among LGB older adults.
References
Fredriksen-Goldsen, K. I., Kim, H. J., Barkan, S. E., Muraco, A., & Hoy-Ellis, C. P. (2013). Health disparities among lesbian, gay, and bisexual older adults: Results from a population-based study. American journal of public health, 103(10), 1802-1809.
Hooyman, N. R. (2014). Social and health disparities in aging: Gender inequities in long-term care. Generations, 38(4), 25.
Torres, S. (2014). Aging women, living poorer. Contexts, 13(2), 72-74.