The Work Of Women And That Of Men

The work of women and that of men

 The discussion about the differences between the different types of activity carried out by women outside the home is in force when considering that, according to Pedrero (2005), the sexual division of labor can only be completely understood by integrating into the analysis the linked elementsto reproductive functions, understanding what is the place of men and women within homes. Thus the division of tasks, both in the domestic sphere and in the extra-dometic, has suffered adjustments to the need to deal with the context in which the family develops.

In addition, the issue of the sexual division of labor is not exclusive to paid activities. Maciel, Ruiz and Cruz (2016), say that the life of women is crossed by the dual organization of the society based in the public/male binomial versus private/feminine, and that this duality has been characterized by the invisibility of the spaceprivate and the autonomy of public space. However, it is less and less sustainable that female work focuses full exclusively on domestic work. They ensure that this trend – the growing incorporation of women into the public space – is causing the reconciliation of family and work life to be in accordance with conflict to the extent that both activities, public and private, are organized according to synchronous timesdifficult to compatibilization. This reality in conflict, they say, "women assume it mostly and implies resignations in one or another space" 

According to De Oliveira and Araizsegregation of women in domestic work and extended spaces of this. Thus, for example, it is frequently argued that married women and children choose the ways of work on their own since they allow them not to neglect their reproductive roles. The latter contributes to the emergence and perpetuation of various forms of partial employment among which is the work at home. On the other hand, making a distinction of the activities with pay and without pay that women perform, Benería and Roldan (1992) say that although these women have control over the money they receive for their activities in the workshop, this payment translatesIn a dribble manner related to the contribution in unpaid domestic work. In a more specific study on the spinning industry in the Northeast of Guanajuato, Treviño (1998) refers that women who contribute to the industry from their own workshops consider home activity as a great advantage since it allows them to have control ofwork schedules and the way the workshop is handled.

On the other hand, in an attempt to address female activity from a more focused perspective on economic production tasks, Arias (2001) links the different generations with the origin of women’s work activity. Although the term "businesswoman" has not been used here to refer to women who operate a workshop within their homes, the differentiation that Arias has been relevant in the attempt to locate these women according to the conditions under which they undertakeher project. Taking into account variables such as marital status, age and socioeconomic conditions of these women, and from the relationships between them, proposes a distinction between business women and women in business. In the differentiation between them, Arias distinguishes that while the former began their activities being very young, the second ones were inserted in the labor field at an advanced age and did so within their own homes as a prolongation of their domestic activities and driven by a necessityUnavoidable relative. Many are perceived as women who ‘had no choice’. His work is considered a ‘mission to ensure their families’  . The author indicates that to the extent that these women learned that the approval of their productive activity depended on the conservation of the features of ‘female weakness’, any change in their behavior could be perceived as a provocation to the established order, that is,that the headquarters of a prosperous business only have value to the extent that it helps meet the needs of their families. Arias’s analysis introduces an unprecedented factor in the field of studies on female economic activity, which has to do with the meaning that women have of the activity they exercise, and the identity that this activity confers them, which resultsrelevant also in the analysis of women’s activity within the domestic workshop.

In a line of argumentation parallel to the aforementioned, García and Oliveira (2006), argue that the growing participation of women in labor markets has been laying the foundations for a redefinition of male identities and gender relations. According to them, instability and labor insecurity characteristic of capitalist production models have also resulted in the weakening of the figure of men as exclusive economic suppliers;In this way, new cultural constructions arise from what it is to be a man or woman, and therefore of the activities in which they work. Thus, spaces for other lines of research have been opened that are interested in accounting for the work trajectories of both men and women. Already Benería and Roldán (1992, p. 87) had indicated that, although women in domestic workshops receive considerable help from other members of the domestic unit, this help comes mostly from female members,