comparative political systems epicentre of a theocracy

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The office of the Supreme Leader
Since its formation, the Islamic Republic of Iran has been under both authoritarian and democratic leadership (Boroujerdi and Rakhimkhani 135).
Iran underwent revolution to become a theocratic state.
Since Iran is a theocratic state, it has a Supreme Leader who is perceived as the epicenter of authority.
Through his talent and position, Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei has transformed the Iranian regime to his desires.
As a Supreme leader, Khamenei has applied informal politics, depended on security forces, and applied bureaucracy to strengthen his office.
Through these strategies, Khamenei has created a government that unaccountable, lacks transparency but powerful.
After the death of the then Iranian leader in 1989, Khamenei was unconstitutionally elected to power (Boroujerdi and Rakhimkhani 136)
Before being accepted as a Supreme Leader, Khamenei experienced numerous challenges, but despite all these, he managed to be the epicenter of Iranian politics.
Khamenei’s personality can be attributed to his success of becoming the Supreme Leader.
Lacking charisma and religious credentials, Khamenei relied upon micromanagement to become the Supreme Leader.
A constitutional change in the year 1989 ensured that the Supreme leader had even more power (Boroujerdi and Rakhimkhani 138).
Apart from granting the Supreme leader more power, the constitutional change also transferred the authority to resolve a conflict among the three branches of power to the Supreme Leader.

Additionally, the amendment gave the Supreme leader the authority to select the Head of the Judiciary.
The constitutional amendment of the year 1989 awarded the Supreme leader a lot of authority hence making him the epicenter of the Iranian politics.
Even with this authority, Khamenei failed to emulate his predecessor and therefore saw that the only to have total authority was to dilute the authority of his rival Shi’ite ulama.
In the year 1991. Khamenei created the Theological Seminaries Center for Services that was mandated with providing welfare services to clerics exceeding one hundred and sixty thousand.
Bureaucratization of the Friday Prayer institution was also an important undertaking of the Supreme leader since he knew that no political party in Iran could compare to the FPPC (the Friday Prayer Policymaking Council). The Supreme leader is mandated with the task of selecting personal representatives to the thirty-provinces of Iran in addition to selecting the Friday Prayer leaders.
Another area that Khamenei brought bureaucratization is the mosques. He achieved this fete by having control of the IPO (Islamic Propaganda Organization)
Khamenei used the SCC (Special Court of Clergy) to punish any cleric that did not obey the Supreme Leader. As compared to his predecessor, Khamenei expanded the SCC an indication that he would not stand any dissident cleric.
Apart from using his authority to make rules and regulations that favor him, the Supreme leader has also used his power to reverse outcomes.
Iran’s Supreme leader has several economic foundations that are quite powerful. Apart from being in charge of economic foundations, the Supreme leader is mandated with the collection of alms tax.
The Supreme leader has an office that has numerous duties. Like for instance, the staffs at this office are troubleshooters, intermediaries, and pass messages to the Supreme Leader.
The Iranian Constitution indicates that the Supreme Leader and not the president is commander in chief of the armed forces.
The Supreme leader can be viewed as a Sultan since he is not answerable to anyone.
Iran has experienced numerous revolutions and the latest being the controversial presidential elections in 2009. Due to these revolts and other challenges facing the nation, its political future has several questions to answer.
In finality, with the Supreme Leader, Iran’s democracy remains a paradox.

Work Cited
Boroujerdi, Mehrzad, and Khoroush Rakhimkhani. “The Office of the Supreme Leader: Epicenter of Theocracy.” Power and Change in Iran, Indiana UP, 2016, pp. 135-165.