Women’s and gender studies

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The ethnic representation of masculinity portrayed by Obama and his successful bid for the United States presidency served a great deal to foster a sense of inclusivity particularly regarding the minority groups residing within the United States. This study contends that Obama’s national security talk depends on, and is arranged by, the rationale of American masculinity, and all the more particularly by the types of presidential masculinity that are in line with the national security thinking in our political culture. Specifically, this paper looks into the role that Barack Obama’s masculinity in dealing with such issues, coupled with his background played an important role towards the success of his eight-year political career.
Many researchers have accentuated the law-based and dialogic character of President Barack Obama’s talk, particularly as opposed to that of his fundamental adversaries in the presidential battle. While this portrayal has justification in a few territories, Obama’s talk is neither dialogic nor democratizing when he talks about national security. As was predicted by many researchers, Hussein Obama’s nomination as the Democratic Party’s presidential flag bearer fuelled the party’s success as it was hinged on fulfilling a view shared by many (Cohen 17). This view is a narrative intended to satisfy what history specialists may depict as the relentless requirement by the American body diplomat for the solaces of Nation.

In the first place, I take a study of Obama’s discourse in acknowledgment of his second and final Democratic Nomination.
This speech is critical because it uncovers an incredible arrangement of the cohesive power of masculinity in national security. Obama shifts his consideration from the Democratic essential against a female hopeful who was excessively battle ready for Democratic voters, to the general decision crusade against a male applicant with particularly solid national security certifications. At that point, I swing to the two noteworthy discourses in December 2009 in which Obama legitimizes and clarifies the forceful utilization of the U.S. military viciousness in the Middle East: these are the discourse reporting the acceleration of the war in Afghanistan at West Point, and the discourse in acknowledgment of the Nobel Peace Prize.
One of the predominant topics of discussion during his last electioneering period was that Barack Obama could not fully be considered a black man. Such thoughts were discernible just to the degree that one studies Obama against the picture of commonplace dark masculinity, especially those that erect hundreds of years’ old tropes of peril, brutal conduct, and vile sensuality. The possibility that we ought to recognize the hopeful and the thug(s) is one of the characterizing adages of affable contemporary society – less a measure of the applicant’s humankind and all the more so a file of the resistance inside said affable society. The achievement associated to the political scene of Obama was a sign of encouragement as a dark person who had no fear at all in his ambitions. His brand made him stand out as opposed to the Clinton gentry (Cohen 12).
To this end, it is evident that Obama’s presidency was veiled with unmistakable presidential masculinity, a trait that was probably bolstered by the fact of his origins. That he was not from a single side of the racial divide may have endeared him to the electorate, but it was, in fact, his obvious masculinity that preserved this public endearment.

Work Cited
Cohen, Paul M. “Presidential Manhood: Masculinity and American Politics in the Age of Mass Media.” (2017).